跨界通婚是當代國際遷移中一種重要的現象。本文從官方移入人口統計資料整理指出，由於經濟全球化及文化親近性，促成兩岸大量通婚現象，但並非所有跨界通婚下的個人都適合稱為「移入移民」，尤其是台籍工作者與大陸當地居民形成的通婚型態。藉由37 位台籍工作者與大陸配偶訪談個案的類型分析，文章指出跨界婚姻的台幹家庭成員身分安排主要呈現為三種型態，即大陸配偶：（1）由農村戶口轉為沿海城鎮戶口，（2）維持本地的沿海城鎮戶口身分，（3）維持農村／內地戶口身分，但共通的是，台籍工作者在婚後的台灣公民身分並沒有改變，且大陸配偶也多沒有意願前來台灣長住，並因此取得台灣公民身分。本文進一步分析指出，經由跨界通婚去取得個人更佳生活機會的方式，在台籍工作者與大陸居民結縭的案例中，主要並非表現在透過婚配嫁入台灣社會，而是在大陸配偶的農村／內地戶口轉換上。當大陸居民與台籍幹部通婚後，透過買房入戶等方式，有機會由農村／內地轉為沿海城鎮戶口身分，即代表個人的向上社會流動，因而大幅降低進一步取得台灣公民身分的必要性。因此，以文化優勢態度面對婚配的中國大陸公民，顯然只是意識型態上的迷障。換句話說，相較於「婚姻移民」潛藏蘊含婚姻與移民彼此間的邏輯對應關係，使用「跨境婚姻」才能更合適描述經由台灣外派而與中國大陸居民結縭形成的兩岸婚姻，及理解行動者在跨境脈絡下，將彈性公民身分視為個人資本累積的文化邏輯意含。

Marriage migration is an important phenomenon of international migration. Its rapid increase has to do with the development of capitalism and the ever increasing rate of cross-border movements in a larger context of globalization. In the past few years, the phenomenon of mainland Chinese brides has become increasing common and attracted much attention from the media and the public forums in Taiwan. However, statistics show that a great number of Chinese brides do not choose to reside in Taiwan. This is the case specially for those who are married to Taiwanese expatriates in China.This paper tries to give a more comprehensive understanding about why most Chinese spouses of Taiwanese expatriates choose to reside in China instead of Taiwan and how citizenship is arranged for families of Taiwanese expatriates with Chinese spouses. Result shows that there are three major types of citizenship arrangements chosen by Chinese spouses, which are 1) changing from a rural to an urban hukou (household registration), 2) remaining inherited urban hukou and 3) remaining inherited rural hukou. However, both Taiwanese expatriates and most of their Chinese spouses do not give up their inherited Taiwanese or PRC citizenship. Citizenship for Taiwanese expatriates with Chinese spouses becomes therefore a family-based “dual citizenship”arrangement. The reason for Chinese spouses to maintain their PRC citizenship is mainly because of the opportunity for changing from a rural to obtain an urban hukou during the migratory process in the marriage with Taiwanese expatriates, which represents a personal upward mobility as a result of the great urban-rural differential treatment in China. The author suggests that the marriage of Taiwanese expatriates with Chinese spouses should be termed as transnational, instead of cross-border, marriage, which emphasizes marriage migrants as active agents in the migration process. Therefore the strategic attitude of Taiwanese expatriates and their Chinese spouses toward citizenship arrangement as means of cultural capital accumulation can be understood.