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來源文獻資料
摘要
外文摘要
引文資料
題名:
從gaga的多義性看泰雅族的社會性質
書刊名:
臺灣人類學刊
作者:
王梅霞
作者(外文):
Wang, Mei-hsia
出版日期:
2003
卷期:
1:1
頁次:
頁77-104
主題關鍵詞:
泰雅族
;
儀式
;
社群
;
個人
;
Dayan
;
Ritual
;
Community
;
Person
原始連結:
連回原系統網址
相關次數:
被引用次數:期刊(
44
) 博士論文(
3
) 專書(
5
) 專書論文(
4
)
排除自我引用:
39
共同引用:
183
點閱:266
泰雅語gaga的字面意義是「祖先留傳下來的話」,透過儀式及日常生活的實踐,它也成為泰雅人重要的文化觀念及社會範疇。過去研究都主張gaga是泰雅族社會除了家族之外最重要的功能性組織,但是在視gaga為「社會組織」本身之同時,研究者卻對gaga的性質有不同的解釋,並有若干未能深入解釋之處。本文嘗試從新的觀點──「gaga為觀念的實踐過程」──來整合過去研究對gaga的不同解釋,並深入探討過去研究所未能解釋之處,進而透過gaga在不同情境的實踐,呈現gaga的多重意涵。透過澄清gaga的性質,將有助於進一步瞭解泰雅族社群的性質,並重新思考人類學理論中對於個人和社會的關係,以及宗教和社會之關係的討論。
以文找文
Previous researchers have suggested that the gaga is the most important form of social organisation in Dayan society. However, they argue about whether the gaga is a form of kinship or a religious grouping. Some aspects of gaga showing high flexibility have not been explained, including the following: (a) an individual can freely choose to join or withdraw from a gaga, (b) one gaga can split off from or combine with another gaga, and (c) several possible relationships can exist between a gaga and a given community. One community can include several or only one gaga, and several communities can together compose one gaga; moreover, it is possible for all of these conditions to appear in succession in one locality. This article tries to resolve the confusion about gaga by clarifying its nature from the Dayan perspective and showing it's ramifications in their ritual practice. I demonstrate that gaga is not really a term identifying a special social grouping as previous researchers had believed; rather it stands for "cultural norms" related to beliefs about the supernatural. In ritual practice, gaga may apply to several kinds of cultural categories, including the commuity, wutux nekis (literally, "one ancestor"), household, person, and now the Christian church. Therefore, gaga applies to both kinship and religious situatuions. In addition, the relationship between the gaga and the community is established through practice and is therefore dynamic. For example, two communities can practice rituals together and function as one gaga; later, they may practice rituals separately and so function as two different gaga. A person may choose to obey the norms of a gaga (as a cultural category) and is free to join or withdraw from a gaga. According to the Dayan's own explanations, gaga has multiple meanings; it refers to norms, regulations and ritual proscriptions, a person's identity or good luck, the words spoken to rutux (spirits), and technical knowledge. In all of these senses, gaga are shared among different groups or learned from different sources. As norms, gaga are shared by all Dayan, but only a particular community is exposed to impurity when one of its members transgresses them. The gaga of sowing and harvest rituals are practiced by members of an individual community. By following ritual regulations and learning the words spoken to rutux, a person may be obtain ability, which is also called gaga. A person shares this sort of gaga ability mainly with members of his own community, his wutux nekis, or his household, although he can also import it from other communities. A dayan's attributes are therefore heterogeneous and cannot be seperated from his social relationships. In addition, some gaga are constructed at particular times for specific historical and contingent reasons, and their validity might not be agreed upon by all community members. The Dayan community is not bounded and easily incorporates outsiders. Membership in a community is defined by conformity with its gaga. Attending rituals, joining community meetings, hunting in the community hunting area, and planting crops in the fields located in the hunting area-all are important criteria for defining one's membership in a community. More importantly, the Dayan do not set up an opposition between the individual and society. Rather, they see members of a community as those who share some common attributes-gaga. By sharing these attributes, social relationships are established. Social relaionships are viewed as internal to a person's identity, rather than external. A person's identity is changed and defined in the processes of learning and sharing gaga. Relationships between the sacred and the secular, between society and its members, are not dichotomized.
以文找文
期刊論文
1.
衛惠林(19580900)。泰雅族的部落制度。臺灣文獻,9(3),33-42。
延伸查詢
2.
衛惠林(1963)。泰雅族的父系世系群與雙系共作組織。臺灣文獻,14(3),20-27。
延伸查詢
3.
Radcliffe-Brown, A. R.(1951)。The Comparative Method in Social Anthropology。Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland,81,15-22。
學位論文
1.
折井博子(1980)。泰雅族噶噶的研究(碩士論文)。國立臺灣大學。
延伸查詢
2.
黃應貴(1988)。Conversion and Religious Change among the Bunun of Taiwan(博士論文)。London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London。
3.
王梅霞(1990)。規範、信仰與實踐:一個泰雅族聚落的研究(碩士論文)。國立清華大學。
延伸查詢
4.
Kim, K.(1980)。The Taruko and their Belief System,Oxford。
5.
Wang, M. H.(2000)。Community and Identity in a Dayan Village, Taiwan,沒有紀錄。
圖書
1.
Bloch, Maurice(1986)。From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina of Madagascar。Cambridge:Cambridge University Press。
2.
Bloch, Maurice(1989)。Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology。Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology。Atlantic Highlands, NJ/ London, UK:Athlone Press。
3.
山路勝彥、林瑞壁(1987)。泰雅族的慣習法與贖罪,祭祀以及共同體。台北:中央研究院民族學研究所。
延伸查詢
4.
小泉鐵、黃文新(1984)。臺灣土俗誌。臺北:中央研究院民族學研究所。
延伸查詢
5.
Turner, Victor Witter(1969)。The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure。Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press。
6.
Gibson, T.(1986)。Sacrifice and Sharing in the Philippine Highlands: Religion and Society among the Buid of Mindoro。Dover, NH/ London, UK:The Athlone Press。
7.
Dumont, Louis、Sainsbury, Mark、Dumont, Louis、Gulati, Basia(1980)。Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and Its Implications。Chicago, Illinois:University of Chicago Press。
8.
李亦園、石磊、阮昌銳、楊福發(1964)。南澳的泰雅人民族學--田野調查與研究。中央研究院民族學研究所。
延伸查詢
9.
Atkinson, Jane Monnig(1989)。The Art and Politics of Wana Shamanship。Berkeley, CA:University of California Press。
10.
Strathern, Marilyn(1988)。The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems with Exchange in Melanesia。Berkeley, CA:University of California Press。
11.
Turner, Victor(1967)。The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritural。Ithaca, NY:Cornell University Press。
12.
Comaroff, Jean(1985)。Body of Power, Spirit of Resistance: the Culture and History of a South African People。University of Chicago Press。
13.
李亦園(1963)。南澳的泰雅人:民族學田野調查與研究。臺北:中央研究院民族學研究所。
延伸查詢
14.
小島由道(1984)。番族慣習調查報告書。番族慣習調查報告書。臺北。
延伸查詢
15.
森丑之助(1985)。臺灣蕃族志。臺灣蕃族志。臺北。
延伸查詢
16.
Durkheim, E.(1957)。The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life。London, UK:George Allen & Unwin。
17.
Fox, James J.(1996)。The Transformation of Progenitor Lines of Origin: Patterns of Precedence in Eastern Indonesia。Origins, Ancestry and Alliance: Explorations in Austronesian Ethnography。Canberra, Australia。
18.
(1967)。Les Rite De Passage。Essays on the Ritual of Social Relations。Manchester。
19.
Milton, K.(1982)。Meaning and Context: The Interpretation of Greetings in Kasigau。Semantic Anthropology。London, UK/ New York, NY。
20.
Parkin, D.(1982)。Introduction。Semantic Anthropology。London, UK/ New York, NY。
21.
Radcliffe-Brown, A. R.(1952)。Religion and Society。Structure and Function in Primitive Society, Essays and Addresses。London, UK。
圖書論文
1.
王崧興(1986)。非單系社會之研究︰以臺灣泰雅族和雅美族例。臺灣土著社會文化研究論文集。台北:聯經:中央研究院民族學研究所。
延伸查詢
2.
Strathern, M.(1991)。One Man and Many Men。Big Men and Great Men: Personifications of Power in Melanesia。Cambridge:New York, NY:Cambridge University Press:Cambridge University Press。
3.
Strathern, M.(1981)。Self-Interest and the Social Good: Some Implications of Hagen Gender Imagery。Sexual Meanings。Cambridge:Cambridge University Press。
4.
Sather, Clifford(1993)。Posts, hearths and thresholds: the Iban longhouse as a ritual structure。Inside Austronesian houses: perspectives on domestic designs for living。Canberra:The Australian National University。
5.
黃應貴(19860000)。臺灣土著族的兩種社會類型及其意義。臺灣土著社會文化研究論文集。臺北:聯經。
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