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題名:漢代孔子見老子畫像的社會思想史意義
書刊名:中國文化研究所學報
作者:邢義田
作者(外文):Hsing, I-tien
出版日期:2017
卷期:65
頁次:頁23-72
主題關鍵詞:孔子老子項橐漢代畫像ConfuciusLaoziXiang TuoHan dynasty painting
原始連結:連回原系統網址new window
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有關孔子一生的故事甚多,漢人獨喜以孔子見老子一事畫或刻在祠堂和墓室中,可 能是因為這個故事在漢代人的認識中具有多面性。它可以隨墓主或家人的理解,作 不同或多重的解釋。它可以象徵學聖與尊師,也可以因漢人視老子如神仙,象徵由 學聖而成仙的追求。墓主追求的道,可以是儒家理解的道,也可以是道家或神仙家 的道。所謂「朝聞道,夕死可矣」,他們如同孔子之聞道於老子,不論其道為何,可 依個人心之所安去解釋,然後安心地走向人生的終點。 本文考證孔、老二人中間的小童應是項橐,他象徵著生而知之。孔子以他和老 子這一少一老為師,象徵聖人無常師。在漢人的傳說中,孔子雖為大聖,卻也有不 如這一老一少之處。對一生嚮往成聖的士子儒生而言,這幅畫像中的大聖有不如人 處,項橐乃生而知之者,如此學聖不成,非己之過,也就不那麼感到遺憾了。可是 另一方面,漢代士人又堅信聖人與常人無異,有為者亦若是。因此圖緯內學所強調 的聖人具天生異能異相之說,似乎不那麼受歡迎;圖緯書中描繪的異相聖人也就不 曾出現在漢代的畫像中。 以目前可考的有孔子見老子畫像的墓葬或祠堂而言,墓主身份皆屬儒生或儒生 兼官僚。漢代儒學大興,流播各處,不過齊魯畢竟是儒學的發源地。在地域觀念深 重的東漢,孔子見老子畫像獨多於今山東地區,應與孔子乃魯人、弟子多齊魯所 產、儒學與齊魯之地淵源較深這三點有關。
There are many stories about the life of Confucius. People of the Han particularly enjoyed painting or sculpting the story of how Confucius met Laozi on their ancestral halls or tomb walls. Perhaps this was due to the fact that this story, as the people of the Han knew it, was multi-faceted. It was capable of presenting different, complex interpretations depending on the understanding of the tomb owners or family members. It could represent the great sage of learning, or a revered teacher; and also, since people of the Han viewed Laozi as a sublime immortal, it could represent the pursuit of the sublime world facilitated by the great sage of learning. The dao pursued by the tomb occupant might be the dao as understood by the Ru [Confucian] scholars; or it might be the dao of the Daoists or of the specialists and devotees of the sublime immortals. As [Confucius] had said, “If I heard about the dao in the morning, I could die peacefully in the evening,” and so they compared this to the event of Confucius hearing about the dao from Laozi. It didn’t matter which dao it was: that could depend on the explanation that best satisfied each individual’s heart and mind, after which they could peacefully move on towards the ultimate events of a human life. According to the research done in the present paper, the youth between Confucius and Laozi ought to be Xiang Tuo, who symbolizes those prodigies born full of knowledge. Confucius took these two—one old, one young—to be his teachers to show that a sage is flexible in his choice of teacher. In the legends of the Han, although Confucius was a great sage, in some respects he was not as good as this pair of figures, one old and one young. As far as it concerned a follower of the Ru [Confucian] programme, who worked all his life to become sagely, this image of the great sage who yet had aspects that were not as good as other people’s—whereas in contrast Xiang Tuo was a prodigy born full of knowledge—implied that if one did not become a great sage of learning, it was not entirely one’s own fault, and did not need to occasion so much regret. However, from another viewpoint, the scholarofficials of the Han dynasty firmly believed that there was no essential difference between a sage and ordinary humans. With just the proper devotion to work, anyone could be like that. For this reason the sage with extraordinary circumstances of birth or extraordinary physical features, often appearing in apocryphal texts, seems not to have found so much favor here: the sage with extraordinary physical features was never depicted in Han painting. Based on the presently available tomb paintings or ancestral hall paintings of the theme of Confucius meeting Laozi, we can say that the tomb owners were all devotees of Ru [Confucianism] or Ru devotees who served as officials. In the Han dynasty, Confucianism enjoyed a great rise in popularity and spread everywhere. Nevertheless, the areas formerly occupied by the states of Qi and Lu were after all its original domains. In the Eastern Han, a time that was deeply conscious of regional viewpoints, depictions of Confucius meeting Laozi were particularly common in the Shandong area. This should have something to do with the fact that Confucius was from the state of Lu [in Shandong] and that his disciples were mostly from the areas of Qi and Lu: so that the relations between Confucianism and these areas were particularly deep.
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60.湖南省博物館、中國科學院考古研究所(1973)。長沙馬王堆一號漢墓。北京:文物出版社。  延伸查詢new window
61.錢穆(1956)。先秦諸子繫年。香港:香港大學。  延伸查詢new window
62.河北省文物研究所(1990)。安平東漢壁畫墓。北京:文物出版社。  延伸查詢new window
63.馬承源(2002)。上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書。上海:上海古籍出版社。  延伸查詢new window
64.余英時(2003)。朱熹的歷史世界:宋代士大夫政治文化的研究。允晨文化實業股份有限公司。new window  延伸查詢new window
65.祝平一(19900000)。漢代的相人術。臺北:臺灣學生書局。new window  延伸查詢new window
66.于吉、王明(1960)。太平經合校。中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
67.內蒙古自治區博物館文物工作隊(1978)。和林格爾漢墓壁畫。文物出版社。  延伸查詢new window
68.呂澄(1979)。中國佛學源流略講。北京:中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
69.馮雲鵬、馮雲鵷(1995)。金石索。上海:上海古籍出版社。  延伸查詢new window
70.錢南揚(1980)。永樂大典戲文三種校注。華正。  延伸查詢new window
71.董仲舒、蘇輿、鍾哲(1992)。春秋繁露義證。中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
72.金春鋒(1987)。漢代思想史。中國社會科學出版社。  延伸查詢new window
73.王重民、王慶菽、向達、周一良、啟功、曾毅公(1957)。敦煌變文集。人民文學出版社。  延伸查詢new window
74.徐俊(2000)。敦煌詩集殘卷輯考。中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
75.Seidel, Anna K.(1969)。La divinisation de Lao tseu dans le taoisme des Han。École française d'Extrême-Orient。  new window
76.逯欽立(1983)。先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩。中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
77.熊鐵基(1984)。秦漢新道家略論稿。上海人民出版社。  延伸查詢new window
78.王充、黃暉(1990)。論衡校釋。中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
79.黃進興(2014)。皇帝、儒生與孔廟。生活.讀書.新知三聯書店。  延伸查詢new window
80.黃進興(2010)。優入聖域:權力、信仰與正當性。中華書局。new window  延伸查詢new window
81.黃進興(19940000)。優入聖域:權力、信仰與正當性。臺北:允晨文化。new window  延伸查詢new window
82.仁井田陞、栗勁、霍存福、王占通、郭廷德(1989)。唐令拾遺。長春出版社。  延伸查詢new window
83.梁啟雄(1983)。荀子簡釋。中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
84.巫鴻、柳揚、岑河(2006)。武梁祠--中國古代畫像藝術的思想性。北京:生活.讀書.新知三聯書店。  延伸查詢new window
85.桑欽、酈道元、楊守敬、熊會貞、段熙仲、陳橋驛(1989)。水經注疏。江蘇古籍出版社。  延伸查詢new window
其他
1.蔣英炬(19981014)。晏子與孔子見老子同在的畫像石。  延伸查詢new window
圖書論文
1.陳劍(2008)。《上博六.孔子見季桓子》重編新釋。出土文獻與古文字研究。上海:復旦大學出版社。  延伸查詢new window
2.鍾肇鵬(1991)。讖緯中的孔子及其弟子。讖緯論略。瀋陽:遼寧教育出版社。  延伸查詢new window
3.王屋山人魏萬(1967)。金陵詶翰林謫仙子。李太白文集。臺北:臺灣學生書局。  延伸查詢new window
4.李零(2002)。老李子和老萊子--重讀《史記•老子韓非列傳》。郭店楚簡校讀記。北京:北京大學出版社。  延伸查詢new window
5.錢穆(1956)。孔子與南宮敬叔適周問禮老子辨。先秦諸子繫年。香港:香港大學出版社。  延伸查詢new window
6.高亨(1988)。史記老子傳箋證。老子正詁。北京:中國書店。  延伸查詢new window
7.饒宗頤(1982)。戰國西漢的莊學。選堂集林:史林。臺北:明文書局。  延伸查詢new window
8.王明(1984)。《老子河上公章句》考。道家和道教思想研究。北京:中國社會科學出版社。  延伸查詢new window
9.饒宗頤(1982)。老子想爾注考畧。選堂集林:史林。臺北:明文書局。  延伸查詢new window
10.砂山稔(1983)。道教と老子。道教。東京:平河出版社。  延伸查詢new window
11.邢義田(2011)。漢畫解讀方法試探--以「撈鼎圖」為例。畫為心聲:畫像石、畫像磚與壁畫。北京:中華書局。new window  延伸查詢new window
12.鄭岩(2013)。山東臨淄東漢王阿命刻石的形制及其他。逝者的面具:漢唐墓葬藝術研究。北京:北京大學出版社。  延伸查詢new window
13.王子今(2006)。漢代兒童的遊藝生活。秦漢社會史論考。北京:商務印書館。  延伸查詢new window
14.邢義田(2011)。秦漢皇帝與「聖人」。天下一家:皇帝、官僚與社會。北京:中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
15.聞一多(1956)。伏羲考。神話與詩。北京:古籍出版社。  延伸查詢new window
16.陳槃(1991)。秦漢間之所謂「符應」論略。古讖緯研討及其書錄解題。臺北:國立編譯館。  延伸查詢new window
17.林巳奈夫(1989)。洛陽卜千秋墓壁畫に對する注釋。漢代の神神。京都:臨川書店。  延伸查詢new window
18.蔣英炬(1987)。孝堂山石祠管見。漢代畫像石研究。北京:文物出版社。  延伸查詢new window
19.邢義田(2011)。東漢的方士與求仙風氣--肥致碑讀記。天下一家:皇帝、官僚與社會。北京:中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
20.楠山春樹(1980)。禮記曾子問篇に見える老聃について。東洋學論集:池田末利博士古稀記念。廣島:池田末利博士古稀記念事業會。  延伸查詢new window
21.李今山(1987)。《禮記•曾子問》篇中的老聃--論老子傳的形式。日本學者論中國哲學史。臺北縣板橋市:駱駝出版社。  延伸查詢new window
22.邢義田(2011)。《太平經》裡的九等人和凡民、奴婢的地位。天下一家:皇帝、官僚與社會。北京:中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
23.邢義田(2011)。論漢代的以貌舉人--從「行義」舊注說起。天下一家:皇帝、官僚與社會。北京:中華書局。  延伸查詢new window
24.陳槃(1991)。古讖緯書錄解題。古讖緯研討及其書錄解題。臺北:國立編譯館。  延伸查詢new window
25.Seidel, Anna K.(1968)。漢代における老子の神格化について。道教研究。豊島書房。  延伸查詢new window
 
 
 
 
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