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題名：後工業社會下的親職照顧策略：比較瑞典、德國與西班牙的兒童照顧體系
作者：黃曉薇
作者(外文)：Hsiao-wei Huang
校院名稱：國立中正大學
系所名稱：社會福利所
指導教授：呂建德
學位類別：博士
出版日期：2009
主題關鍵詞：兒童照顧服務；親職假；津貼；全球照顧鍊；制度；Child Care Service；Parental Leave；Institutions；Global Care Chains；Benefit
原始連結：連回原系統網址new window
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隨著女性就業與彈性工作的增加、離婚與同居率的提高、結婚與生育率的下降，在後工業社會下的家庭容易面臨更多的新風險，包括少子化與高齡化的挑戰、福利政策的永續經營等，福利國家如何因應這些新風險是值得探討的議題。本文以瑞典、德國與西班牙三個不同路徑發展的國家為例，討論三國如何回應新風險以及兒童照顧體系是如何受到制度脈絡的影響。
本研究主要以「去家庭化」、「再家庭化」政策概念與兒童照顧體系作連結，探討三個國家不同的制度形塑過程，比較的分類基本架構以Esping-Andersen(1990)的分析架構為主，由於Esping-Andersen的研究缺乏性別與家庭的分析，加上女性主義的觀點特別適合用來討論兒童照顧體系，因此，本文透過女性主義的觀點來檢視不同的政策路徑如何形塑不同的家庭主義類型。
研究結果發現瑞典早在1970年代末期就規劃了完善的兒童照顧體系，包括津貼、公共的兒童照顧與親職假等方案，社會民主政黨與國家女性主義扮演至關重要的角色，即便在1990年代受到新自由主義的影響，仍維持舊有的政策基礎，並繼續以達到性別平等為目標，鼓勵父親回到家庭參與照顧工作的共享。德國向來就延續傳統的男性養家模式，經歷歐洲整合與兩德統一，德國逐漸傾向以再家庭化的親職津貼政策路徑，一方面強化家庭的照顧功能，另一方面透過促進女性部分工時的就業，以便兼顧工作與家庭生活。而西班牙在1975年後才逐漸邁向民主化，為了避免落入佛朗哥威權時代的窠臼，各政黨對於家庭相關政策並不重視，政策規劃較傾向擴大就業提升女性就業率；女性主義者也受到新自由主義的影響，認為國家不需要過渡介入家庭，政策的規劃反而會加重女性的負擔。因此，我們可以看到西班牙女性在缺乏國家支持的情況下，只好尋求私人資源而形成一種新的照顧替代方案—外籍幫傭與祖母的照顧服務，產生新的性別、階級與種族關係的不平等。
此外，由比較瑞典、德國與西班牙的兒童照顧體系可知，要建制一套完善的兒童照顧體系，以及均衡工作與家庭的成功條件在於，國家必須先通過支持多元家庭與性別平等的相關立法，使福利領受的對象能擴及所有需要的家庭；其次，勞動市場必須建立友善職場的環境，基於兩性工作機會平等的基礎，縮短兩性的薪資差異，提供所有就業類型應有的勞動保障；再者，透過強勢左派政府的介入以及具有影響力的婦女團體參與政府的決策過程，才能比較成功的達到均衡工作與家庭。整體上，政策的考量必須具有性別敏感的思考，兒童照顧服務的提供是促進女性就業主要的關鍵。
As the increasing of the female employment and flexible works, the rising of the divorce rate and companionate marriage percentage, the decreasing of marriage rate and fertility rate, the family is easily to confront with the new risk in the Post-Industrial society, including the challenges of the population and policy continuity. It’s an important issue to see that how did the welfare states response to these new risks. This thesis explores that how did Sweden, Germany and Spain response to the new risks with three different policy paths, and how the child care system effected by their own institutions.
I used the concept of “de-familialization” and “re-familialization” which connect with the child care system by Leira(2002). Esping-Andersen’s(1990) comparative structure is the foundation of analysis. Due to the deficient in family and gender issues of Esping-Andersen’s research, it’s suitable for using the approach of Feminism on discussing the child care system, and investigating the institution which shaped the variable familialism types.
The research findings are that Sweden had disciplined the child care system based on the gender equality in the final of 1970. The Social Democratic Party and state Feminism played the crucial role in making the policy decisions of the benefit, public child care service and parental leave, etc. While the new Liberalism was spreading during the 1990s, Sweden kept maintaining the traditional ideologies of equality and equilibrium and encouraging father back home to share the care duty. Second, Germany is a male-breadwinner country. It means that family and women are the major care supporters. Through the integration of Europe and the unification of the East German and West German, the unified Germany focused on the re-familialization policy path, parental benefit, which enforced the family’s care function. In the other hand, it can balance the work and family by improving the female part-time work. Third, there are few supports from the government in Spain, so women have to find their own resources, such as grandmother and maid of immigration. It resulted in a new inequality between gender, class and race.
In sum, institution is main variable on shaping the policy output, depending on the institution legacy, political party and interest group. Gender sensitive is the first policy concern, and the public child care service is the key point to improve the female employment.
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