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題名:家庭內的隱形不平等:手足成就的社會學分析
作者:謝志龍 引用關係
作者(外文):Chih-Lung Hsieh
校院名稱:東海大學
系所名稱:社會學系
指導教授:蔡瑞明
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2009
主題關鍵詞:教育成就排行位置兒子偏好文化資本隱形不平等educational attainmentsibling positionson preferenceculture capitalinvisible inequality
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本論文探討兄弟姊妹成就差異的現象與原因。手足成就差異的現象不單純是兄弟姊妹之間個人特質與能力有別的問題,更是一個關於資源分配與機會結構不平等的社會學課題。本文探討「排行位置」的概念,排行位置是一種性別排序邏輯,每個人出生於某個家庭後會依據家庭裡既有的手足規模、出生順序與性別差異而被分類於某種排行位置。台灣社會裡,排行位置有其特定的排行優勢與利基,也承擔不同的角色名分與權利義務。藉由排行位置的經驗檢證,本論文發現父母親對待每一個排行位置具有不同的資源配置策略,也形塑出不同的教育成就模式。
在男性排行位置方面,本文發現在手足規模較大的家庭裡,越早出生的排行位置佔有較大的優勢,這種優勢的男性排行位置將被分配越多的家庭教育資源,隨後取得的教育成就也將相對較高。此時家庭資源分配與教育成就取得具有一致的關係,呈現男性手足先到先贏的優勢。在女性排行位置方面,本文發現教育取得的過程裡,姊姊會因為弟弟規模較大時而有比較高的中輟機率、被分配較少的家庭教育資源、取得較低的教育成就,這是一種姊姊補貼弟弟教育的情形,它在手足規模較大的家庭裡特別明顯。在父母親投資子女文化資本方面,本文發現父親偏好有助於榮耀家族、延續後代的實質長男排行位置;對於實質長女有明確的女性性別角色期待。即便家庭裡手足規模已經變小,在特定類型的文化資本中,家庭裡依然存在手足不平等的待遇。在這個過程裡,本論文也支持最初發生在家庭內的手足不平等現象,具有一種動態累積的持續效應,由家庭開始並且持續到學校教育的過程。個人手足特質似乎只在家庭裡發生作用,但它卻透過形塑特定排行位置所能獲得的家庭資源與機會結構而影響教育成就的取得。
總而言之,每個人所歸屬的排行位置成為影響資源分配與教育成就的因素,它不僅是個人在手足團體當中的排序,也代表在家庭裡的身份與地位,更是在家庭內的結構性位置。因為社會集體建構各個排行位置的社會意義,並且依據不同的意義而賦予差別待遇,最終在家庭裡依據排行位置而形塑不同的排行優勢與利基,並且反覆再製種種兄弟姊妹的不平等現象。
The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the causal relationship associated with different educational attainment among siblings in Taiwanese families. Although tied to the personal characteristics and talents of siblings, it is also an important sociological issue concerning resource distribution and the structure of unequal opportunities. I address the issue of intra-family inequality by classifying ten sibling positions according to the meanings and functions of each, and analyzing their effects on educational attainment. The analysis shows that Taiwanese parents favor specific sibling positions.
I present four main findings. First, the most advantageous sibling position in Taiwan is actual eldest son, with benefits from both birth order and gender. Those who occupy this position generally receive plentiful family resources and achieve the highest levels of education. Individuals in this position are, for the most part, served first among all male siblings (four or more children). Second, elder sisters must confront higher probabilities of receiving fewer family resources and achieving lower educational attainment if they have younger brothers—in other words, in large Taiwanese families, elder sisters tend to subsidize the educations of younger brothers. Third, Taiwanese fathers tend to act on the basis of gender stereotypes, doting on actual eldest sons based on the belief that they can bring honor to their ancestors and continue their family lines. Even though average family size is decreasing in modern Taiwan, these differences in sibling treatment still reflect traditional culture. Fourth, unequal sibling treatment produces cumulative advantages in terms of both family and school, influencing resource allocation and opportunity structure for each sibling position, then influencing educational attainment.
According to my analysis, each sibling position holds distinct meaning and has specific advantages, the result of unequal investments of family educational resources and different status attainment. In conclusion, differences in sibling position serve as the basis of inequalities in sibship structure.
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