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題名:「中國模式」:後極權資本主義發展國家模式之建構
作者:董慧明
作者(外文):Tung, Hui-Ming
校院名稱:國防大學政治作戰學院
系所名稱:政治研究所
指導教授:吳玉山
黃筱薌
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2012
主題關鍵詞:中國模式後極權發展國家國家資本主義民主The China ModelPost-TotalitarianDevelopmental StateState CapitalismDemocracy
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本論文聚焦在中國大陸的發展模式,且欲檢證經濟發展對中國大陸政治民主化的影響。自1978年改革開放以來,中國大陸的發展模式,既呈現著大國崛起之姿,也有著發展中國家的創新嘗試。儘管中國大陸的人均所得尚處於中等的收入水準,然而其經濟總量已讓它成為世界第二大經濟體,不僅奠定了在東亞地區經濟強權的地位,更在全球政治經濟中扮演舉足輕重的角色。中國大陸從一個在世界上經濟極度落後的國家躍升到中高收入國家,這段變革令西方歐美先進國家感到驚訝、令第三世界發展中國家稱羨,眾多研究的焦點皆在關切中共如何能以源自列寧主義黨國體系之後極權政體去揉合西方自由資本主義元素,進而在21世紀初發展出「中國模式」,且對中國大陸和國際體系的發展產生深刻的影響。因此,本研究藉由「後極權資本主義發展國家」這個概念,對「中國模式」的內涵及其產生之效應、影響進行理論與實際的檢證與探索。
「中國模式」看似獨特卻不獨特,它類似「東亞模式」卻又有所不同。其中最明顯的差異就在政治體制,這使得中國大陸在經濟制度上轉向了國家資本主義,卻在政治上處於落後於經濟的改革轉捩點。研究從國家中心論的角度出發,以「新國家主義」、「新制度經濟學」與「歷史制度主義」為途徑,首先探討中國大陸自計畫管制經濟轉型為國家資本主義的經濟轉型過程,並以學者Chalmers Johnson提出的「發展型國家」特徵交叉比較,藉以找出導致中國大陸經濟高速成長的原因和發展模式。其次,研究亦針對中共的意識形態、黨內民主、基層民主、管理體制、公民社會等五個方面,作為主要觀察項目,說明中國大陸政治就是在後極權主義政治體制下進行政治改革與轉型。在路徑取向分析部分,透過對中共菁英政治發展以及公民政治參與擴大等現況檢視,認為中共的國家專制權力雖然減弱,但是國家能力卻因積極拉攏與吸納政治、經濟和社會菁英進入黨國體系而增強,並且和公民社會力量彼此鑲嵌。在「強國家─弱社會」的關係之下,中共維持著國家主導下的政治、經濟與社會發展型態。
此外,為了能夠瞭解「中國模式」在全球政治中產生的效應,從經濟、政治和文化三個面向探入,發現中國大陸在經濟上曾經受到「華盛頓共識」的啟發,卻因為結合後極權主義政體的統治模式,反而在經濟表現上挑戰自由資本主義制度,也對許多發展中國家產生溢出效應。利用「全球在地化」的概念,亦發現中共向其他發展中國家傳達了毋須採用西方民主政治形式,走自己發展道路的理念。中國大陸政治體制尚不足以取代西方自由民主制度,卻引發關於民主形式的省思。中共將「中國模式」以軟實力的推廣方式吸引更多國家的認同,然而在對外宣傳政治價值觀、經濟發展模式時,亦產生「軟實力威脅」的疑慮。
儘管學術界對於「中國模式」之界定仍然莫衷一是,惟藉從政治經濟面向來探討中國大陸的發展模式,一方面能夠對其內部共黨專制政權體制之發展路徑進行解釋和預測,另一方面亦能觀察這種國家發展模式對於國際體系中的已發展國家和發展中國家造成之效應。在理論檢證部分,研究亦發現無論是屬於「結構論」的現代化理論、政權穩定論,或是屬於「過程論」的政治過程論,均無法從單一面向解釋「中國模式」,必須結合互補,才能夠更完整地分析中國大陸政治、經濟制度之變遷。「中國模式」仍是處於變動中的概念,本研究建構一套後極權資本主義發展國家模式分析架構,用以解釋中國大陸改革開放以來政治經濟發展模式,做出綜合性的發展研析。
This thesis focuses on China's development model, and validates the impact of economic development toward political democratization of China. Since the CCP's "Opening and Reform" policy in 1978, the rising of China's comprehensive national power involves innovative attempts in developing countries. Although China's per capita income is still in the middle-income level, China has become the world's second largest economy for its total economic output. China has not only established the status of economic power in East Asia, but also plays an important role in the global political economy domain. Many studies are concerned about how the CCP combined elements of Western liberal capitalism with the totalitarian regime from Leninist party-state system. These changes are called "The China Model", a profound impact on domestic and international system. In this study, we use the concept of "Post-Totalitarian Capitalist Developmental State, PTCDS", to explore the connotations, effect, and influence of "The China Model".
The "China Model" is similar to the "East Asian Model", but not the same, especially the differences in the political system. China's political reform lags behind the economic reform of state capitalism, and is in the key point of the political transition. In this study, the spindle is the "state-centralism", and the research approaches include: Neo-nationalism, new institutional economics, and historical institutionalism. We concentrate on two dimensions: First of all, to investigate the process of China's economic reform from the command economic system to state capitalism. In the context, we compared the features of "Developmental State" with the scholar of Chalmers Johnson, and found the causes and model of rapid economic growth in China. Secondly, we surveyed the "ideology", "inner-party democracy", "grassroots democracy", "management system", and "civil society" in the CCP, in order to explain the purpose of China's political system reform is Post-Totalitarian transformation. We believe the political elites of the CCP become more multiple, and political participations of citizen get more active. However, the CCP adopt the attraction strategies to political, economic, and social elites, resulted in state capability still powerful, embedded with the civil society force. The relations of China's state and society is "strong state-weakness society", the CCP maintain the state-led authority.
In addition, we want to find out the effects of the "China Model" in the global politics. When we verified three factors by economics, politics and culture, we found the China's economy not only deeply affected by Washington Consensus, but also challenged the laissez faire economy when the CCP kneaded the ruling model of Post-Totalitarian regime and created a dazzling economic performance. China's economic development model for many developing countries also has spillover effects. On the other hand, we imported the concept of "Glocalization", and found the CCP communicate to developing countries that the idea of development model by itself without the liberal democracy. Recently, the CCP focuses on political regime reform, and causes the hot debate for the democracy types. However, the party-state system can't replace the western democracy system. The CCP uses the soft power strategy of "China Model" to attract identification from more countries, but also results the misgivings of "soft power threat".
The definition of the "China model" is still different opinions, but the thesis on China's development model from political and economic development dimension, attempts to predict the CCP's transformation in the future. In the theoretical part, we found to explain the "China Model", need to integrate the "structure theory" (ex: modernization theory, regime stability theory), and "political process theory". The study constructed the analysis framework of "PTCDS", and used to interpret the political-economic development model in China. Ultimately, according to the status quo of China, we make a comprehensive analysis and evaluation.
壹、中文部分

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期刊

Jeffrey Sachs、胡永泰、楊小凱,2003年。〈經濟改革和憲政轉軌〉,《經濟學季刊》,第3期,頁961-988。
丁偉,2009年。〈中國軟力量的思考〉,《二十一世紀》,第116期,頁6-10。new window
王元龍,2011年。〈「北京共識」並非「中國發展模式」〉,《中國經濟周刊》,第29期,頁22-23。
王信賢,2008年。〈傾斜的三角:當代中國社會問題與政策困境〉,《中國大陸研究》,第51卷第3期,頁37-62。new window
王眉,2011年。〈把中國模式解釋好—鄭永年談中國的對外傳播〉,《對外傳播》,第1期,頁20-22。
王海兵,2005年。〈公民社會的興起與中國共產黨的現代化〉,《甘肅理論學刊》,第2期,頁35-37。
王懷超,2009年。〈中國改革開放的歷史進程與基本經驗〉,《科學社會主義》,第6期,頁32-37。
弗朗西斯‧福山,2011年。〈福山:中國模式的特徵與問題〉,《社會觀察》,第1期,頁9-10。
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向瑜、吳詠怡,2009年。〈「河蟹」橫行,掀網民反擊戰〉,《大學線月刊》,第90期,頁12-15。
朱元鴻,2010年。〈如果美式自由民主不該是中國未來的夢想〉,《政治與社會哲學評論》,第33期,頁1-46。new window
江迅,2011年。〈中國基層民主獨立候選人前仆後繼〉,《亞洲週刊》,第25卷第40期,頁24-29。
余芳東,2011年。〈我國經濟的國際地位和發展差距〉,《調研世界》,第3期,頁3-5+11。
何俊志,2002年。〈結構、歷史與行為—歷史制度主義的分析範式〉,《國外社會科學》,第5期,頁25-33。
吳乃德,1989年,〈搜尋民主化的動力─兼談民主轉型的研究取向〉,《臺灣社會研究》,第2卷第1期,頁145-161。new window
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吳玉山,1999年。〈回顧中國大陸產權改革〉,《香港社會科學學報》,第14期,頁175-199。new window
吳玉山,2001年。〈制度、結構與政治穩定〉,《政治學報》,第32期,頁1-30。new window
吳玉山,2003年。〈探入中國大陸經政策略之研究:一個比較的途徑〉,《中國大陸研究》,第46卷第3期,頁1-31。new window
吳玉山,2007年。〈顏色革命的許諾與侷限〉,《臺灣民主季刊》,第4卷第2期,頁67-112。new window
吳玉山,2011年。〈「兩場革命」與中國模式〉,《思想》,第18期,頁197-218。new window
吳敬璉,2010年。〈論中國改革的市場經濟方向〉,《中國市場》,第11期,頁28-34。
吳敬璉,2011年。〈發展轉型繫於改革〉,《企業研究》,第6期,頁4-5。
呂慶春,2009年。〈非公有制經濟人士的政治參與及其困境〉,《當代世界與社會主義》,第1期,頁149-154。
李永寬,2004年。〈論市民社會與黨的領導〉,《湖北行政學院學報》,第5期,頁63-65。
李君如,2011年。〈學習「七一」重要講話斷想〉,《前線》,第9期,頁12-15。
李亞明,2006年。〈中共「政黨居主」的政治體制改革策略〉,《復興崗學報》,第87期,頁121-146。new window
汪暉,2010年。〈中國崛起的經驗及其面臨的挑戰〉,《文化縱橫》,第2期,頁24-35。
肖歡,2006年。〈冷戰後美國軟實力的下降及其啟示〉,《國際政治研究》,第3期,頁148-156。
初大智、張志波,2010年。〈「後金融危機時代」深圳寶安區「三來一補」企業現狀、存在問題及對策〉,《特區經濟》,第7期,頁36-38。
周林玲,2011年。〈關於「北京共識」與「中國模式」的思考〉,《改革與開放》,第14期,頁9-10。
周俊、郁建興,2011年。〈2006年以來中國公民社會研究的新進展〉,《思想戰線》,第37卷第6期,頁42-47。new window
周國富,2010年。〈試論我國從生存型社會向發展型社會轉型的發展趨勢和階段性特徵〉,《浙江社會科學》,第8期,頁8-23。
季衛東,1998年。〈中國:通過法治邁向民主〉,《戰略與管理》,第4期,頁4-7。
房寧,2009年。〈中國民主政治建設和政治體制改革的八個觀點〉,《紅旗文稿》,第27期,頁17-19。
法蘭西斯‧福山,2011年。〈中國高品質集權最終仍須民主〉,《天下雜誌》,第472期,頁230-232。
邵建,2005年。〈無權者的權利和非政治的政治─後極權時代的自由主義策略〉,《當代中國研究》,第2期,頁94-101。
俞可平,2001年。〈公民社會的興起與政府善治〉,《中國改革》,第6期,頁38-39。
俞可平,2008年。〈中國特色社會主義的世界歷史意義〉,《人民論壇》,第24期,頁16-19。
俞可平,2011年。〈中國民主化的最小成本和最佳途徑〉,《上海采風》,第3期,頁96。
俞可平、王穎,2001年。〈公民社會的興起與政府善治〉,《中國改革》,第6期,頁38-39。
姚洋,2010年。〈威權政府還是中性政府?〉,《二十一世紀》,第121期,頁97-100。new window
姚洋,2011年。〈中等收入陷阱不是臆想〉,《南風窗》,第17期,頁8。
胡平,1987年。〈論言論自由(上)〉,《中國之春》,第52期,頁71。
胡遠珍,2011年。〈大眾傳播對中國公民意識培養的發展軌跡探尋〉,《武漢交通職業學院學報》,第13卷第52期,頁38-42。
胡鍵,2010年。〈爭論中的中國模式:內涵、特點和意義〉,《社會科學》,第6期,頁3-11。
郁建興,2011年。〈中國公民社會與治理的研究〉,《二十一世紀》,第128期,頁65-66。new window
唐勃,1989年。〈八十年代中共與知識分子意識形態的適應與衝突〉,《中國大陸研究》,第31卷第7期,頁5-15。
徐友漁,2006年。〈當代中國社會思想:自由主義與新左派〉,《社會科學論壇(學術評論卷)》,第6期,頁101-115。
徐崇溫,2010年。〈國外近期關於中國模式的研究動向〉,《紅旗文稿》,第17期,頁10-12。
徐湘林,2000年。〈以政治穩定為基礎的中國漸進政治改革〉,《戰略與管理》,第5期,頁16-26。
耿曙、陳奕伶,2007年。〈中國大陸的社區治理與轉型前景:發展促轉或政權維穩?〉,《遠景基金會季刊》,第8卷第1期,頁87-122。new window
張弘遠,2007年。〈「發展型國家」理論及其對中國研究之適用性〉,《東亞研究》,第38卷第2期,頁86-121。
張光輝,2010年。〈發展參與式民主:我國政治體制改革的現實突破口〉,《公共管理高層論壇》,第1期,頁195-208。
張厚義、劉平青,2004年。〈私企參政〉,《珠江經濟》,第1期,頁59-61。
張茜,2011年。〈「中國模式」下的中國社會、文化和軍事〉,《重慶文理學院學報(社會科學版)》,第30卷第5期,頁75-76+88。
張潔平,2009年。〈金融海嘯助推國進民退〉,《亞洲週刊》,第23卷第48期, 頁16-17。
康曉光,2002年。〈90年代中國大陸政治穩定性研究〉,《二十一世紀》,第72期,頁33-45。new window
張曉慧,2004年。〈「軟實力」論〉,《國際資料訊息》,第3期,頁25-28。
許開軼、李晶,2006年。〈當代政治轉型研究的理論范式評析〉,《當代世界與社會主義》,第4期,頁95-97。
陳向聰,2001年。〈堅持和完善職工代表大會制度的法學思考〉,《福建政法管理幹部學院學報》,第4卷第2期,頁17-21。
陳紅太,2011年。〈中國政治優勢的內在邏輯〉,《人民論壇》,第6期,頁26-27。
陶儀芬,2003年。〈「十六大」後大陸的經濟改革與政治繼承〉,《中國大陸研究》,第46卷第2期,頁27-40。new window
陶儀芬,2010年。〈「中國模式」賣得出去嗎?〉,《天下雜誌》,第441期,頁138-140。
陶慶,2004年。〈嬗變、缺位和彌補:政治安排中私營企業主利益表達—皖南宣城市的實證分析〉,《社會科學研究》,第6期,頁100-101。
曾慶亮,2011年。〈論當前我國公民政治參與的轉變〉,《社會科學研究》,第5期,頁74-76。
程超澤,1998年。〈江澤民時代經濟發展面臨的機遇與挑戰〉,《亞洲研究》,第28期,頁148-149。
辜樹仁,2011年。〈中國關鍵字─穩〉,《天下雜誌》,第488期,頁174-178。
黃仁宗,2002年。〈中國的政治體制改革關〉,《戰略與管理》,第2期,頁72-82。
黃德福,1998年。〈論發展中地區國家資本主義的興起〉,《國立成功大學社會科學學報》,第1期,頁1-18。
楊開煌,2002年。〈中共「十六大」之接班與人事安排-內在邏輯之探討〉,《遠景基金會季刊》,第3卷第3期,頁103-135。new window
楊穎超,2007年。〈現代化典範與中共民主前景:第四條道路〉,《政治科學論叢》,第33期,頁151-192。new window
趙建民、張鈞智,2006年。〈菁英循環或再生?十二大以來中共技術官僚的發展趨勢〉,《中國大陸研究》,第45卷第2期,頁69-97。new window
趙穗生,2009年。〈中國模式探索:能否取代西方的現代化模式〉,《綠葉》,第3期,頁20-40。
劉永高,2000年。〈社會轉型期的中國政治文化〉,《理論前沿》,第6期,頁15-16。
劉阿明,2005年。〈軟權力理論與中國和平崛起〉,《太平洋學報》,第12期,頁55-63。
劉德斌,2004年。〈「軟權力」說的由來與發展〉,《吉林大學社會科學學報》,第4期,頁55-62。
樊紅敏,2010年。〈基層民主建設的基本特徵與發展走向〉,《東南學術》,第5期,頁51-57。
潘維,1999年。〈法治與未來中國政體〉,《戰略與管理》,第5期,頁30-36。
蔣京議,2008年。〈政治體制改革必須把握國家與社會關係走向〉,《上海教育》,第2期,頁62-63。
鄭永年,張弛,2007年。〈國際政治中的軟力量以及對中國軟力量的觀察〉,《世界經濟與政治》,第7期,頁6-12。
鄭爲元,1999年。〈發展型「國家」或發展型國家「理論」的終結?〉,《臺灣社會研究》,第34期,頁1-68。
鄧顯超,2006年。〈提升中國軟實力路徑〉,《理論與現代化》,第1期,頁15-20。
燕繼榮,2008年。〈解放思想:與「運動思維」訣別〉,《同舟共進》,第6期,頁39-40。
盧現祥、朱巧玲,2006年。〈論新制度經濟學中國家的四大職能〉,《湖北經濟學院學報》,第3期,頁12-17。
蕭功秦,2002年。〈中國後全能型的權威政治〉,《戰略與管理》,第6期,頁82-88。
蕭功秦,2006年。〈中國轉型體制的類型學〉,《二十一世紀》,第96期,頁11-17。new window
蕭功秦,2007年。〈中國百年現代化的六次政治選擇—從清末新政到當代改革開放(三)〉,《歷史教學》,第8期,頁5-9。
蕭功秦,2010年。〈中國模式面臨五大困境〉,《人民論壇》,第31期,頁68-69。
蕭功秦,2010年。〈蕭功秦:中國模式的形成及其前景〉,《社會觀察》,第12期,頁97-98。
儲建國,1999年。〈市場經濟、市民社會和民主政治〉,《武漢大學學報(哲學社會科學版)》,第1期,頁57-60。
謝建社、吳俊英、 謝宇,2011年。〈試論統戰工作社會化的路徑創新—以「先行先試」的廣東省為例〉,《廣東省社會主義學院學報》,第11期,頁47-53。
魏久明,2008年。〈胡耀邦談「反對精神污染」〉,《炎黃春秋》,第6期,頁38-42。
羅惠平,1988年。〈試圖走向理性專制的宣言─王炳章談中共十三大」〉,《中國之春》,第56期,頁10。
龐中英,2006年。〈中國在國際體系中的角色〉,《卡內基中國透視》,第4期,頁4-5。
龐中英,2006年。〈關於中國的全球治理研究〉,《現代國際關係》,第3期,頁60-62。
龐建國,2010年。〈中山思想與「中國模式」〉,《中國評論》,第150期,頁51-56。

會議論文與演講

由冀,2011年。〈中共十八大:聚集權力過渡的政治理論以及習近平掌軍的前景〉,《「中共『十八大』政治繼承:持續、變遷與挑戰」研討會》,臺北市:國立政治大學。
江宜樺,2002年。〈民主〉,《公民社會基本政治社會觀念研究第二次工作坊》,臺北市:中央研究院社科所。
吳玉山,2010年。〈發展國家的沉浮〉,未出版。
徐斯儉,2012年。〈從薄王事件看中共政權與兩岸關係〉,《101年第一次三戰論壇》,桃園:國防大學。
陳明明,2010年。〈主流意識形態的危機:調適性變遷〉,《比較視野下的共產黨執政與社會主義現代化學術研討會》,上海市:復旦大學。
葛永光,2005年。〈新興國家與政治發展:東亞經驗分析〉,《大學院校通識教育巡迴講座-政治學》,桃園:國立中央大學。
蔡繼明,2006年。〈轉型經濟學與中國的經濟轉型〉,《「當代馬克思主義經濟理論」國際研討會》,中國福建廈門。

學位論文

林祈昱,2006年。《中共「三個代表」與統治合法性的變遷:意識型態再詮釋的政治經濟基礎》。臺北市:國立政治大學東亞研究所碩士論文。
張五岳,1986年。《中共派系衝突之研究》。臺北市:國立政治大學東亞研究所碩士論文。
廖尉君,2005年。《東亞奇蹟或危機:發展國家與新古典理論的爭辯》。臺北市:國立臺灣大學政治學研究所碩士論文。

相關網站

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中國人大網:http://www.npc.gov.cn/
中國共產黨新聞網:http://cpc.people.com.cn/
中國共產黨歷次全國代表大會數據庫:http://cpc.people.com.cn/GB/64162/64168/index.html
中國社會科學網:http://www.cssn.cn/
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中華網:http://big5.china.com/
世界與中國研究所:http://www.world-china.org/
行政院大陸委員會:http://www.mac.gov.tw/
兩岸關係論壇:http://www.tw-strait-forum.org/
東方新聞網:http://www.eastday.com/
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金融時報中文網:http://www.ftchinese.com/
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聯合早報網::http://www.zaobao.com/
聯合國開發計畫署─中國:http://www.undp.org.cn/
聯合新聞網:http://udn.com/

中文報紙

中國時報。
文匯報。
聯合報。

貳、西文部分

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Thesis and dissertation

Tang, Teresa. 2011. “Authoritarian Resilience in China: An Examination of Elite Politics in the Post-Reform Era.” master’s thesis, The University of British Columbia.
Trung, Pham Huy. 2009. “U.S.-Vietnam Security Relations since Normalization.” Ph.D. diss., The American University.
Zhang, Lijuan. 2006. “Institutional Transformation and the Multi-Facet Logic of Differentiation of State-Owned Enterprise Workers.” PhD diss., Hong Kong University of Science and Technology.

Conference Paper

Dickson, Bruce J. 2008. “Who Consents to the ‘Beijing Consensus’ Crony Communism in China.” prepared for presentation at the Conference on “Washington Consensus” versus “Beijing Consensus”: Sustainability of China’s Development Model, May 30-31.
 
 
 
 
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