國內學術界對於政治信任的研究匱乏，信任與媒體行為之間的關係更乏人探討，但國外有關信任的文獻在九○年代出現不少重要的研究，不論是國內的或跨國比較，其中常包含了媒體的相關變項，顯示這個題材確有理論與實務上的意義。本研究想瞭解2000年總統大選以後，歷經一年餘綠色執政，民眾對陳水扁總統、立法、司法機構的信任程度，以及對四個主要政黨的信任。在先在變項方面，除了一般探討的人口變項外，政治效能、政黨認同、政治興趣都在過去文獻中被證實與政治信任有關，而媒體如果確具有框架的效果，是否會與民眾的政治信任有關呢？ 研究結果發現整體而言，選民對陳水扁的信任程度較高（10分中超過5分），但對司法體系及立法院的信任嫌低，同時，年紀愈輕、教育程度愈低、外在效能感愈高者，愈信任陳水扁。但人口變項並不能預測選民對司法體系的信任，而外在效能感高者，相信司法體系的程度高；同時，年紀愈輕、外在效能感愈高，對立法院的信心愈高。從以上的討論得知，民眾的媒體使用、以及評價媒體是否負面、與其信任總統、立法院與司法院都無明顯關聯，反而是人口變項與外在效能感，可以預測民眾的政治信任。在政黨信任方面，最具明顯預測政黨信任的仍是政黨認同，這結果倒也不意外，只是泛藍信任泛藍政黨、泛綠認同者信任泛綠政黨，反而其他的變項相對之下都未達到預測的解釋力。

On December 1, 2002, more than 62 percent of eligible voters in Tai-wan went to the polls to vote for the 225 members of Legislative Yuan and 23 county magistrates and city mayors. It was the first major election after the DPP's victory in the 2000 presidential election, and given the fact that there had been a stalemate between the DPP government and the KMT-controlled Legislative Yuan since then, the new Legislative Yuan election was of particular significance for Taiwan's political development. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationships between voters' media use, perceptions of media negativism and their political trust. The results showed that as compared with voters' trust toward Leg-islative Yuan and Justice system, Taiwan voters thought President Chen is most trustworthy. And political external efficacy became an important predictive variable in explaining why voters trust President, Legislative Yuan and Justice system. Media variables, including media use and the perceptions of media negativism did not show any significance in predict-ing voters' political trust. And those voters who claimed they are the sup-porters of Pan-Blue camp showed high degree of trust toward KMT and PFP while voters identified themselves as Pan-Green camp showed high-er degree of political trust toward DPP and TSU.