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題名:李光耀主政後的新加坡政治—威權抗拒的結構分析
作者:郭俊麟
作者(外文):Chun-Lin Kuo
校院名稱:臺灣大學
系所名稱:國家發展研究所
指導教授:洪鎌德
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2006
主題關鍵詞:威權政治政治發展政黨政治傳播媒體經濟管控公民社會人民行動黨authoritarian politicspolitical developmentparty politicsmass mediaeconomic controlcivil society
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1990年11月28日,李光耀(Lee Kuan Yew)下台交棒後,許多人期盼新加坡的政治風氣能有所改變,冀望人民行動黨政府能夠放寬高壓統治、改變強勢的領導風格、減少過多的政治干預,並將權力交棒視為是新加坡民主發展的一個重要契機。由第二代政治領導人吳作棟(Goh Chok Tong)所領導的行動黨政府,係促使新加坡的政治發展朝向自由開放?還是繼續維持李光耀主政時期強勢的威權領導?若是走向自由開放,那又表現在何處?是反對運動的活動空間增加?新聞媒體的管制解除?經濟管控的放鬆?人民與知識菁英的覺醒?還是公民社會的蓬勃發展?若是依舊維持強勢的威權統治,那麼阻礙新加坡推動民主發展的障礙又在何處?基於上述疑問,本文主要比較李光耀主政時期和吳作棟主政時期的差異,強人政治之後,嚴格監控的政治、經濟與社會環境是否有所改觀?新加坡是朝向民主政治的方向轉型?抑或是抗拒轉型壓力,維持威權統治型態?
本文試從新加坡的政黨政治、傳播媒體、經濟管控,以及公民社會等四個面向,比較和探討李光耀與吳作棟兩代的差異變化。在時間的擇取範圍方面,則是自1959年6月5日,李光耀宣誓就任新加坡自治邦首任總理開始,至2004年8月12日,吳作棟交棒予新加坡第三代政治領導人李顯龍(Lee Hsien Loong)為止。本文研究方法,係採取文獻分析法與歷史分析法。文獻分析法在本文的應用上是對與本研究相關的文獻資料和既有的相關研究成果,進行回顧整理與歸納分析;歷史分析法在本文的應用上,則著重於自1959年李光耀上台執政後,新加坡政治發展情況的分析與回顧,探討在李光耀主政下威權政治形成之原因,在此一基礎上,作為1990年吳作棟主政開始後的政治發展情況之比較依據,藉由兩個不同時空環境背景的差異分析,並以領導與比較歷史的研究途徑,探討吳作棟主政時期新加坡政治發展的實際情況,以及對新加坡未來民主發展的可能性進行評估。
李光耀的政治思想,主要是建立在「精英主義」與「實用主義」的基礎上。李光耀相當重視「精英主治」的觀念,他更直言新加坡若沒有精英出來領導,就沒有生存發展的可能。李光耀認為,要維持一個高水準和不斷向上發展的社會,就必須依靠一定的紀律、規範和秩序。因此,對於會影響政治穩定與社會秩序的反對黨與反對運動、傳播媒體、勞工運動,以及社會運動等,行動黨政府皆採取壓抑與管制的手段措施,予以規範和限制。然而,過度追求穩定與秩序的結果,新加坡社會逐漸浮現許多問題與弊端,諸如人民被動依賴、對於公共事務參與意願低落、民間社會缺乏創意與冒險精神等,新加坡在安逸和諧的外表下,實際上缺少人性自然的一面。吳作棟上任之後,表示要建立一個開放與諮商的政府,政府將聆聽民眾的意見與心聲,一改過去政府專斷獨行的施政風格。吳作棟亦瞭解新加坡社會由於過度規範管制的結果,造成民眾的政治冷感與消極心態,這對新加坡未來的國家發展與國家競爭力造成深遠影響。
觀察吳作棟主政的14年期間,治國的基本原則依然維持不變,諸如維繫多元種族、多元宗教與多元文化、秩序與穩定優先,以及國家利益高於個人利益等。在政治與經濟的管控上,行動黨政府維持強力的主導和干預。在2001年的國會大選,人民行動黨取得執政以來第三高的得票率——75.29%,人民行動黨據此認為,其領導模式與政治路線獲得人民的信賴。惟在面對全球化的競爭與壓力,吳作棟提出「重造新加坡」的計畫,意圖改變民眾「政府叫我們做的,我們就做;政府沒有叫我們做的,我們就不會去做」的舊觀念,行動黨政府開始體認到以往國家與社會關係模式的不足,另一方面也向社會發出訊息,政府將逐步放鬆對社會的管制,發揮民間在經濟與社會發展中的作用。不過,吳作棟仍申明「新加坡式民主」將繼續維持不變,新加坡永遠都需要一個強勢的領導、高效的政府和團結的社會。2004年8月12日新上任接棒的李顯龍,外界一般相信他仍會維持新加坡既有的政治體制,以及其父親李光耀所傳承下來的治國原則。
「新加坡式民主」是否正是意味著民主、或至少平穩地走向民主?新加坡民主化的根本問題,在於行動黨政府及其領導人的抉擇。在1990年之前,實現民主化的國家中,約有一半是由在任的威權政府倡議和引導下進行變革。若從新加坡現實的政治環境來看,選擇變與不變的決定權,關鍵還是在於行動黨政府領導人的心態。政治領袖之所以造就民主,是因為他們相信民主本身是一個目的,因為他們視民主是實現其他目標的手段、或者因為民主是他們追求其他目標的副產品。在許多情況下,民主也許不是政治領袖所期望的結果,甚至可能是最不稱心如意的演變。有利於民主的社會、經濟和外在條件的出現,絕不足以產生民主。不論政治領袖的動機為何,他們都必須去造就民主和採取行動,例如局部的自由化,這才有可能導致民主的出現。創造民主的條件必須存在,但只有政治領袖有造就民主的動機,並且願意冒民主的風險時,民主才有可能實現。
Singapore is an island republic with political, economic, and social characteristics that puzzled many observers. Lee Kuan Yew and the People’s Action Party always believe that what people want most from their government is an environment in which they can pursue prosaic material comforts, rather than live up to high-minded political principles. Democracy is a means to an end, and the end is a high level of material security for Singaporeans. The official explanations, many of which tend to address past historical circumstances, should be taken seriously.
One of the most basic questions is why Singapore has become even less democratic while advancing economically. That political freedom is a precondition to economic prosperity is one of the most basic findings of the social sciences. Similarly, the government’s insistence that human rights are a luxury for rich countries is belied by the fact that Singapore is one of the most affluent countries in the world. Once Lee Kuan Yew said, 〝We have now achieved enough of the material basics of life to be able to give more attention to socio-psychological and spiritual needs.〞Why, then, does the PAP Government continue to espouse the view that it must assign higher priority to achieving economic growth than to providing more political freedom?
By the 1980s, Singapore has been totally transformed. Many Singaporeans, despite their highest regard for Lee Kuan Yew and his achievements, have begun to feel that his political style was no more entirely suited to the new reality of Singapore. Increasing numbers of Singaporeans, the better educated, confident and affluent, wanted a different style—more consultative and responsive and softer on the edges—especially from the second-generation rulers when they assumed power.
On 28 November 1990, Goh Chok Tong was installed as the new Prime Minister of Singapore. Despite the transfer of power, Lee Kuan Yew continues to play a dominant role as an overseeing father figure and a tutor and mentor to the second and third generation leaders. As in the words of Goh Chok Tong, 〝certain principles and parameters will never change for Singapore〞. It is widely recognized that for a considerable time in the future, in its essentials, Singapore is to remain a managed democracy:a democracy that works, that produces continuing economic growth and prosperity and ensures ethnic coexistence and harmony.〝The first duty of all governments is to ensure that it has the power to govern effectively, 〞 a UN conference on human rights in 1993 was reminded. Nobody could accuse the Goh Chok Tong Government of not fulfilling that duty. It maintained a firm grip on power, helping Singapore keep its balance in a decade when the winds of globalization sent the economic and political systems of most other industrializing nations helter-skelter.
What about the future?The controls have been passed to the third-generation rulers, the eldest son of Lee Kuan Yew and the latter’s handpicked politicians. The PAP’s hold on political power is likely to remain secure. This dissertation focuses on a historical account of some of the headline events of Singapore, when in many cases the PAP government acted in a peculiar manner. The inquiry is concerned with the following topics—the party politics, the mass media, the economic control, the civil society, and the future of Singapore. With the social and economic change having become a reality for most Singaporeans, the political innovation cannot remain far behind. The polity has to change to be in harmony with new social and economic reality of Singapore and its surrounding world.
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2002 《論新加坡華文教育存在的困境與問題》,2002年「中山思想與當代思潮」第十五屆研究生論文學術研討會論文集,台北:台灣師範大學三民主義研究所。
2004 〈新加坡引進外來人力政策之析評〉,《海華與東南亞研究》,陳鴻瑜主編,第4卷,第4期,台北:翰蘆圖書出版有限公司。頁80-106。

郭振羽
1985 《新加坡的語言與社會》,台北:正中書局。

黃西玲
1999 〈集團化的傳播者〉,《傳播與社會》,世新大學新聞學系編著,台北:揚智文化。頁49-78。

陸潤康
1986 《美國聯邦憲法論》,台北:凱侖出版社。

張永和
1993 《李光耀傳》,廣州:花城出版社。

張知本
2001 《最新六法全書》,台北:大中國圖書公司。

張培剛
1993 《新發展經濟學》,河南:河南人民出版社。

莊素玉
1994 〈新加坡─向世界高標挑戰的小獅〉,《天下雜誌》,第157期,台北:天下雜誌社。頁22-41。
1995 〈新加坡預練新世紀〉,《天下雜誌》,第168期,台北:天下雜誌社。頁27-40。

陳文賢
1992 〈國際變局中的美國外交政策〉,《美國月刊》,第7卷,第12期,台北:國立政治大學國際關係研究中心。頁36-44。
1993 〈美國外交政策中的現實主義因素〉,《問題與研究》,第32期,第3卷,台北:國立政治大學國際關係研究中心。頁69-77。
1997 〈政府在政治經濟發展中所扮演的角色:新加坡與馬來西亞之比較〉,《東南亞季刊》,第2卷,第3期,南投:國立暨南國際大學東南亞研究中心。頁36-51。

陳鴻瑜
1987 《政治發展理論》,台北:桂冠股份有限公司。
1991 〈新加坡的威權主義民主與發展型態〉,《問題與研究》,第30卷,第3期,台北:國立政治大學國際關係研究中心。頁29-40。
1991a 〈新加坡的的發展模式:民主加威權主義〉,台南:國立成功大學逸仙社會科學研究中心。
1992 《東南亞各國的政治與外交政策》,台北:渤海堂。
1994 〈新加坡的民選總統制〉,《問題與研究》,第33卷,第6期,台北:國立政治大學國際關係研究中心。頁26-36。
1997a 《東南亞國家協會之發展》,南投:國立暨南國際大學東南亞研究中心。
1997b 〈1997新加坡國會選舉〉,《東南亞季刊》,第2卷,第4期,南投:國立暨南國際大學東南亞研究中心。頁15-33。
2001 《東南亞政治論衡》,台北:翰蘆圖書出版有限公司。
2004 《中華民國與東南亞各國外交關係史(1912-2000)》,台北:鼎文書局。
2006 《東南亞各國政府與政治》,台北:翰蘆圖書出版有限公司。

陳岳、陳翠華
1995 《李光耀-新加坡奠基人》,台北:克寧出版社。

陳烈甫
1982 《李光耀治下的新加坡》,台北:台灣商務印書館。

崔貴強
1989 《新馬華人國家認同的轉向(1945-1959)》,新加坡:南洋學會。
1994 《新加坡華人—從開埠到建國》,新加坡:新加坡宗鄉會館聯合總會。

崔權醴
1995 《東南亞三巨人》,台北:開今文化出版。

新加坡《聯合早報》(編)
1994 《李光耀四十年政論選》,新加坡:新加坡報業控股華文報集團。

葛永光
1996 《政黨政治與民主發展》,台北:國立空中大學。

董娟娟
2005 《新加坡監視社會之分析》,台北:憬藝企業有限公司。

蒂凡那
1979 〈新加坡人:元老和少壯對於舊問題的新改變〉,《人民行動黨 1954-1979》,行動黨二十五週年紀念特輯,新加坡:人民行動黨中央執行委員會。頁168-170。

蔡錫梅
2000 《李光耀誠對中港台》,新加坡:勝利出版私人有限公司。

蕭新煌
1985 《低度發展與發展》,台北:巨流出版社。
1992 《解剖台灣經濟:威權體制下的壟斷與剝削》,台北:前衛出版社。
2000 《東南亞的變貌》,台北:中央研究院東南亞區域研究計畫。
2002 《新世紀的沉思 : 政黨輪替之後的觀察與建言》,台北:新自然主義。
2003 《台灣與東南亞:南向政策與越南新娘》,台北:中央研究院亞太區域研究專題中心。

蕭新煌、顧長永
2002 《新世紀的東南亞》,台北:五南圖書出版有限公司。

蕭新煌、龔宜君
1998 《東南亞台商與華人之商業網絡關係》,台北:中央研究院。

蕭新煌、龔宜君、王宏仁
2002 《臺商在東南亞 : 網路、認同與全球化》,臺北:中央研究院亞太研究計畫。

關楚璞
1940 《星洲十年》,新加坡:《星洲日報》。

羅志淵(主編)
1992 《政治學》,《雲五社會科學大辭典》,台北:台灣商務印書館。

篠崎護原著,陳加昌譯
1982 《新加坡三年半》,新加坡:泛亞通訊社。

顧長永
1995 《東南亞政府與政治》,台北:五南圖書出版有限公司。
1998 《台灣與東南亞的政治經濟關係》,台北:風雲論壇。
2001 《台商在東南亞》,高雄:麗文文化公司。
2003 《全球化與區域化:台灣的觀點》台北:翰蘆圖書出版有限公司。
2005 《東南亞政治學》,台北:巨流圖書公司。
2006 《新加坡:蛻變的四十年》,台北:五南圖書出版有限公司。

嚴實
1993 《新加坡的廉政與社會管理》,北京:華夏出版社。

Josey, Alex
1981 《李光耀-新加坡的鬥爭》,吳俊剛譯,倫敦;雪梨;墨爾本;新加坡;馬尼拉:安格斯及羅伯遜出版社。
1984 《創造奇蹟的新加坡》,顧效齡、蘇瑞烽合譯,台北:長河出版社。

Pye, Lucian W.
1991 《東南亞國家政治體系論》,李偉成譯,台北:五南圖書出版有限公司。

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