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題名:符號互動、媒介、家鄉與離散認同:布里斯本澳籍台裔族裔邊界的形成與流動
作者:蔡珮 引用關係
校院名稱:國立政治大學
系所名稱:新聞研究所
指導教授:郭良文
學位類別:博士
出版日期:2007
主題關鍵詞:符號互動族裔認同族裔邊界離散認同想像共同體台灣移民澳籍台裔symbolic interactionethnic identityethnic boundarydiasporic identityimagined communityTaiwanese immigrantTaiwanese diaspora
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本論文以布里斯本澳籍台裔的族裔認同為研究對象,從符號互動論角度瞭解移民如何在傳播互動中建構認同並形成共同體,以此探討「認同」、「傳播」與「想像共同體」間之關係,在澳洲布里斯本台灣移民社區進行田野調查並深度訪談六十五位台灣移民,以實際的經驗研究和兩個本文欲互補或質疑的觀點展開對話:一為Anderson以媒介資本主義作為傳播構連想像共同體之核心角色,在傳播建構認同的過程中是否充分?二為離散理論當中的「母國導向」與「邊界維持」觀點,對澳籍台裔離散經驗的適用性為何?研究目的除了回饋符號互動論,重新思考該理論在探討當代跨國移民認同建構之不足,並增添一些在跨文化/國情境下影響移民認同建構之相關傳播因素,以符合跨國移民認同研究所需;而從符號互動論角度研究想像共同體之形成,其想像機制能夠與Anderson的鉅觀角度產生哪些互補?希望藉此提供思考「認同」、「傳播」與「想像共同體」三者關係新的想像視野。
本文在理論耙梳與田野來回交錯中,發現Mead符號互動論在互動中構連認同與想像共同體的關鍵傳播因素是「重要象徵符號」,不過,Mead似乎只考慮了一個共同體中個體「趨同」的重要象徵符號,但忽略和外部社群互動接觸的「區異」重要象徵符號也會形成自我所從出的共同體,這種由「區異」所形成的「重要象徵符號」,更具有以「想像」構成共同體之性質,雖然處在同一個共同體的成員並不相識,但是當我們和他群接觸有共同的差異感產生時,這種共同的「差異感」讓我們有同屬一個共同體的感覺。本論文於是結合Mead符號互動論與Barth族裔邊界理論,且不偏廢根基論的族裔認同,提出離散族裔的族裔認同來自族裔內根基(同一性)與邊界互動(差異性)所形成的重要象徵符號構成了族裔象徵邊界(symbolic boundary),正是這些被社群成員認為”重要”、”可區辨”不同族群的重要象徵符號,構成集體認同之基礎,提供族裔認同之來源。澳籍台裔離散認同是一個「混雜的想像共同體」,其中的族裔認同「想像共同體」是透過傳播互動中社群成員認為重要可區辨不同族裔的「重要象徵符號」實踐形成之邊界所構成,族裔邊界維持與變遷之機制,來自於對母國原生情感或宗主國情感的強弱、族裔評價之抉擇、家鄉情懷的強弱、宗主國溝通能力之具備與否以及在社會互動中自我與他者關係之多重匯聚。
台裔離散的族裔認同是由人際傳播與大眾傳播共同建構的,傳播科技連結了”根”與”路徑”,藉由個人對於母國強烈的原生情感和家鄉情懷作為觸媒,使得族裔媒介透過解鄉愁、更新家鄉記憶、增進母國和同族裔親友間交流而喚起族裔認同;對年幼移民後裔而言,由於自小離鄉或在澳洲出世,對於原鄉的記憶與感情變得遙遠模糊,族裔中重要他人的文化傳承以及對於媒介中母國風土民情的解釋互動,搭起了族裔媒介建構認同的橋。同樣的,宗主國的主流媒介建構跨界認同,是移民積極運用媒介內容作為和澳洲人建立友誼和相互交流的工具,在與宗主國人際互動中,跨界的認同在一來一往的認肯中逐漸形成。
本文認為,在應用Anderson「想像共同體」觀點解釋媒介內容建構或凝聚集體認同之推論應有所保留。形成族裔認同感的傳播機制,在Anderson那裡,是將現代時間觀念的改變與印刷資本主義和統一方言使用做了扣連,廣大的讀者同胞因而產生共時性的連結,形成想像共同體的胚胎(Anderson, 1991),在Mead這裡,形成共同體的語言過程,是一種「重要象徵符號」的溝通(Mead, 1934),個人即使沒有和共同體中的所有成員碰面,但認同也不可能在真空中產生,沒有社會互動,自我和共同體都不可能生成,是「重要象徵符號」構連了許許多多未曾謀面的共同體成員。象徵符號原本是具有多義性的,但「重要象徵符號」卻能在彼此之間形成共同的態度與反應,以致形成一個「想像共同體」。本研究發現族裔媒介引發族裔情感的方式其實還有「原生情感」、「濃烈鄉愁」、「同族裔同胞或母國親友交流」作為觸媒;主流媒介建構「澳洲人」認同也是透過人際傳播中介,受到互動中澳洲人的認肯,才引發「澳洲人」的認同感。因此,大眾媒介或許只是強化原有的族裔情感或是作為人際互動中促使認同更容易產生之內容來源,是和人際傳播互動共同建構了族裔認同,而非單一造就。
澳籍台裔的離散認同由三種族裔想像共同體組成:「Chinese共同體」、「台灣人共同體」與「澳洲人共同體」,源自三種共同體的自我認同有八種樣貌:「在澳洲的台灣人」、「也(不)是台灣人也(不)是澳洲人,或是不同比例的兩種組合」、「台裔澳洲人」、「華裔澳洲人」、「中國人 or Chinese from Taiwan」、「在哪裡就是哪裡人」、「國際人」與「亞澳居間人」。三個族裔想像共同體擁有各自分享的評價標準與重要象徵符號,形成族裔認同邊界:台灣人共同體主要是以「和來自中國大陸予人負面印象的Chinese不同」為核心評價;Chinese共同體多以策略性本質主義定義「Chinese」為「中華文化」、「華裔血緣」,作為提升己身認同以對抗環境中多數認為「Chinese=來自中國大陸」之意含;澳洲人共同體則多欣賞澳洲的價值觀和生活形態,如:平等、守法、輕鬆隨和、熱愛戶外運動、注重隱私、獨立自主、友善親切等。
台裔離散認同流動的大方向為:「中國人」的認同如同母國的流動方向一般,當面對真實而非課本上虛幻的中國人時,大部分會轉向「台灣人」;第一代移民大多停滯於「在澳洲的台灣人」;1.5世代認同以「半個澳洲人半個台灣人或也是澳洲人也是台灣人」居多,會逐漸流向「澳洲人」,但不會出現純粹的「澳洲人」認同;而中、英語流利且和多國人接觸的移民最終會流向「國際人」;在澳洲出生或三、四歲就移民澳洲的1.5代移民,其認同會從原本自以為是「澳洲人」回流為「台裔澳洲人」或「華裔澳洲人」。就台裔離散而言,「離散」有另一種新的詮釋,離散認同的邊界不盡然維持,也不盡然腐蝕,有的只是邊界的跨越、衝突、矛盾與協商。
過去離散研究強調離散族裔有共同鄉愁以及「母國導向」的論點並不適用於澳籍台裔離散。雖然對第一代台灣移民而言,台灣家鄉和原生情感以及族裔認同分不開,「出生地」、「成長地」、「父母家人都在台灣」、「台灣是我的國家」是其家鄉歸屬感之來源,但即使「家鄉」是台灣,由於這群移民當初選擇的是澳洲優質的生活環境,因此大多數仍會選擇在澳洲定居,回歸母國或落葉歸根的比例並不高,第一代僅18%表達會回台灣長住,後裔更僅有9%有此意願。雖然大部分1.5代高中以上年齡移民仍和第一代一樣,覺得「親情」、「家鄉」和「成長地」的構連形成強烈的台灣歸屬感,但傳播科技的發達以及大眾交通之便捷,打破了時空界線,使得「多重的家」、「跨國的家」逐漸取代單一「台灣是家鄉」的意義,「家鄉」象徵”多重的地方”,「台灣、澳洲都是家鄉」使得「家鄉」與「母國地域」的關係開始鬆動,「家鄉」成為一個連結母國和宗主國的空間;更年幼移民澳洲的1.5代,或是「澳洲人」認同感較多的移民後裔,大多會認為「家人在澳洲,澳洲就是我的家」,甚至直接稱澳洲是自己的家鄉,原本第一代「家鄉」、「母國親人」和「母國地域」三者構連的家鄉歸屬感開始解構,轉為「在澳洲親人」和「去母國地域」的家鄉。台裔離散的「家鄉」意義,已從第一代與「母國」、「出生地」、「成長地」、「國家」、「親人所在地」緊緊扣連,提供族裔認同重要來源,逐漸在後裔於澳洲久居生根之後,意義變遷為「多重的地方」、「跨國的家」,使得移民後裔的認同也有了多元的變貌,「從何處來」與「身在何處」兩者間的抉擇,在「台灣出生地」與「久居澳洲」、「家人在澳洲」兩方的牽引中,後裔逐漸選擇在澳洲的親情和經歷成長已習慣的澳洲生活作為「家鄉」意義之來源,「日久他鄉是故鄉」是離散後裔「澳洲人」認同漸多時家鄉意義的變貌,「台灣」對年幼移民後裔而言,漸漸只剩下「好吃、好玩、度假、買便宜東西的地方」。
This dissertation aims to explore the relations among identity, communication and imagined community. Mead’s symbolic interactionism and Barth’s theory of ‘ethnic boundary’ have been employed as the main theoretical frames in this study. Furthermore, extended from Mead’s and Barth’s theory in assist with ethnographic observations and in-depth interviews with 65 Taiwanese immigrants in Brisbane, I argue that ethnic identity of diaspora is constructed by the symbolic ethnic boundary which is formed with identical ( primordialism ) and different ( boundary interactions ) significant symbols. The boundaries between ethnic groups are constructed through the internalized and externalized practice of these significant symbols.
The results revealed from this research show that the Australian-Taiwanese diasporic identity is a ‘hybrid imagined community’ being constituted by Chinese, Taiwanese and Australian imagined communities. The transitional mechanism of ethnic boundary is driven by the convergence of attachments to homeland or host country, the choices of ethnic appraisals, the possession of the host communication competences, and the self-other relations within social interactions.
The ethnic identities of Taiwanese diaspora are constructed by both interpersonal communication and mass media. This finding is complementary to Anderson’s stance that mass communication is central to the construction of the imagined communities in capitalism. Namely, only mass media isn’t sufficient enough for constructing the imagined community. Interpersonal communication is another concerned factor.
Taiwanese diaspora cannot be simply viewed as a homeland-orientated ethnic group. The meaning of homeland has been changed among different generations. After staying longer in a place far away from home, gradually, young generations will identify this place as their homeland. For Taiwanese descendants who immigrated to Australia at their young age, when they grow up in Australia and become more Australian, they will feel Australia is their homeland.
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